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Migration & Integration 8

Migration & Integration 8

Herausgeber:

Mathias Czaika, Lydia Rössl,
Thomas Pfeffer, Friedrich Altenburg

Mathias Czaika, Lydia Rössl,
Thomas Pfeffer, Friedrich Altenburg (Hg.)

Migration & Integration 8

Dialog zwischen Politik, Wissenschaft und Praxis

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Lydia Rössl, Mathias Czaika

Einleitung

MOBILITÄT VON HOCHQUALIFIZIERTEN:
POLITIKEN, REKRUTIERUNG, INTEGRATION AM ARBEITSPLATZ

Mathias Czaika

High-skilled Migration Policies

Sascha Krannich

Einwanderungspolitik für hochqualifizierte Migranten im internationalen vergleich.
Kanada, Australien, Neuseeland, Großbritannien und Österreich

Washika Haak-Saheem

Rekrutierung und transnationale Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten in multinationale Unternehmen: Herausforderungen, Ziele, Strategien

SELBSTSTÄNDIGKEIT VON MIGRANTEN UND MIGRANTINNEN
ALS
INTEGRATIONSMOTOR?

Gudrun Biffl

Charakteristika und Rahmenbedingungen von „Migrant Entrepreneurship“

Monder Ram

The centre for Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship:
A Vehicle for Critical Engagement

Ave Lauren, Alexander Spiegelfeld

Migratory Pathways for Start-Ups and Innovative
Entrepreneurs in Austria and Estonia

RÜCKKEHRMIGRATION IM SPANNUNGSFELD ZWISCHEN
(UN)FREIWILLIGKEIT UND (RE)INTEGRATION

Amparo González-Ferrer, Inmaculada Serrano, Adrien Vandenbunder

Conceptualising return and circular migration
in the context of temporariness. Research and policy implications

Özge Bilgili, Sonja Fransen

Return, Reintegration and the Role of State

Marieke van Houte

Back to Afghanistan:
Expectations and challenges between Development and Reintegration

Andrea Götzelmann-Rosado

From Austria (back) to Afghanistan: Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration

NACH DER MIGRATION IST VOR DER MIGRATION: POSTMIGRANTISCHER WANDEL ZU EINWANDERUNGSGESELLSCHAFTEN

Rainer Bauböck

Staatsbürgerschaft und Wahlrecht:
Österreich im internationalen vergleich

Ernst Fürlinger

Für eine andere Globalisierung.
Der Zorn über die Hyperglobalisierung und die Politik mit der Angst

FORSCHUNGSVORHABEN

Friedrich Altenburg

Long Way to go: Re-integration Processes into post-conflict Bosnia

Hakan Kilic, Gudrun Biffl

Turkish Policy Developments towards Highly Skilled Immigration and the Position of Austria

Ali Ahmad Safi

Afghan refugees return ‚home‘ to migrate again

Margarita Fourer

Engaging the Host Community in Refugee Relocations:
A Proposed Framework

PRAXISBERICHTE

Christiane Schnetzer

Interkulturelles selbstmanagement von Expatriates

Franziska Simader-Schober

Integrationsmanagement für
Hochqualifizierte Migrantinnen und Migranten in der
Erste Group Bank AG – ein Praxisbericht

Verzeichnis der AutorInnen

Einleitung

Lydia Rössl, Mathias Czaika

Die Veranstaltung „DialogForum Migration & Integration“ blickt auf inzwischen elf Jahre der Vernetzung und des Dialogs zwischen Politik, Wissenschaft und Praxis zurück. Das DialogForum macht es sich zur Aufgabe einen Rahmen für unterschiedliche AkteurInnen als Vortragende, DiskutantInnen, ImpulsgeberInnen sowie TeilnehmerInnen aus der Wissenschaft, öffentlichen Verwaltung, Politik und Zivilgesellschaft für einen offenen und konstruktiven Austausch zu Themen zu bieten, die offensichtlich, manchmal aber auch über Umwege, in einem Zusammenhang mit Migration und Integration stehen. Die Herausforderungen hierbei sind vielfältig, dazu zählen eine Brücke zwischen Theorie und Praxis herzustellen und, im Sinne von Capacity Building und Lösungsorientierung, Instrumente zu fördern, die die Entwicklung nachhaltiger Strategien für Zusammenarbeit und gegenseitiges Verständnis unterstützen; auf die Dynamiken und andauernden Veränderungen internationaler und nationaler Migrations- und Integrationsprozessen einzugehen; sowie die Analyse damit verbundener gesellschaftlicher, politischer, institutioneller und wissenschaftlicher Herausforderungen

Das DialogForum hat sich 2019 in der Wahl der Themen, Beiträgen und Diskussionen der Komplexität und der Vielfalt an Widersprüchen in der Wissenschaft und Gesellschaft, zwischen Fakten und politischen Konstrukten sowie Ideal, Handlungsempfehlung und Praxis gewidmet. Die Schwerpunkte des DialogForums 2019 zeichneten sich durch eine hohe Aktualität aus, dazu gehören Themen wie die Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten; Selbstständigkeit von MigrantInnen; Rückkehrmigration im Spannungsfeld zwischen (Un-)Freiwilligkeit und (Re-)Integration; sowie Fragen hinsichtlich der Herausforderungen und Gestaltung eines postmigrantischen Wandels zu Einwanderungsgesellschaften. Diese Themen werden in diesem Tagungsband mit Bezug auf die wissenschaftliche Perspektive und bestehende Forschungsergebnisse abgehandelt. Die vielfältigen offenen Frage- und Problemstellungen, die in diesen komplexen Themenfeldern auftreten, werden durch Perspektiven und Beispielen aus der Praxis vertieft.

Der erste Abschnitt dieses Tagungsbandes befasst sich mit der Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten. Studien zeigen die vielfältigen Vorteile der Zuwanderung von hochqualifizierten ArbeitnehmerInnen in Bezug auf das Wirtschaftswachstum, Innovation und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit (Czaika, 2017). Die Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten steigt, der Bedarf und Wettbewerb auf nationalstaatlicher Ebene und unter (internationalen) Unternehmen wird sich in den nächsten Jahren voraussichtlich weiterhin verschärfen (Boeri et al., 2012). Unterschiedliche Maßnahmenpakete, Anreizsystem und vielfältige Visavarianten illustrieren das bestehende Bewusstsein zu dieser Entwicklung (Czaika, 2017), zeitgleich bedingt eine zunehmend restriktive Zuwanderungspolitik in vielen europäischen Ländern das Risiko, dass Zuwanderung auch für Hochqualifizierte zunehmend unattraktiver wird (Amelie & Strøm-Olsen, 2019).

Die Beiträge zu der Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten umfassen und verbinden Themen aus der Politik, der Wirtschaft und Unternehmertum. Ausgehend von der Makroebene analysiert Mathias Czaika in seinem Artikel High-skilled Migration Policies inwiefern die Gestaltung und Umsetzung von Migration policies Einfluss auf die Möglichkeiten der Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten haben, und welche Implikationen dies wiederum auf europäischer, nationalstaatlicher bis zur individuellen Ebene daraus resultieren. Auch Sascha Krannich beschäftigt sich mit Einwanderungspolitiken für hochqualifizierte MigrantInnen und vergleicht das Vorgehen in Kanada, Australien, Neuseeland, Großbritannien und Österreich. Er legt hierbei besonderes Augenmerk auf die dort geltenden länderspezifischen Punktesysteme und beschäftigt sich mit deren Vor- und Nachteilen. Washika Haak-Saheem adressiert in ihrem Beitrag die Chancen, welche sich aus transnationaler Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten für multinationale Unternehmen eröffnen. Sie diskutiert Zusammenhänge von Mobilität, Entwicklung, Innovation und Unternehmenserfolg, als auch die vielfältigen Herausforderungen, Ziele und Strategien im Bereich des Personalmanagements bei der Rekrutierung von hochqualifizierten MitarbeiterInnen.

Auch der Weg in die Selbstständigkeit und der Trend zu Start-ups werden stark mit Innovation und einen Gewinn für Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft verbunden. In diesem Zusammenhang findet zunehmend das Thema ‘Migrant Entrepreneuship‘ und die Möglichkeiten der Unternehmensgründung für MigrantInnen über Ländergrenzen hinweg Beachtung in Politik und Wissenschaft. In Widerspruch hierzu stehen nicht nur komplexe länderspezifische Regulierungen und Beschränkungen von Mobilität, sondern auch die umfassenden und belegten Schwierigkeiten von MigrantInnen und insbesondere anerkannten Geflüchteten, sich am Arbeitsmarkt – und dies nicht nur in Österreich - ihrer Qualifikation entsprechend zu integrieren (Bock-Schappelwein & Huber, 2016). Studien zeigen, dass Geflüchtete zwar im Vergleich mit ArbeitsmigrantInnen im Durchschnitt geringer qualifiziert sind, allerdings etwa gleich gute Qualifikationen wie andere MigrantInnen vorweisen können, die nicht vorrangig aus Arbeitsmotiven migriert sind (Bock-Schappelwein & Huber, 2016).

Der übergeordnete Titel dieses Abschnitts des Tagungsbandes „Selbstständigkeit von Migranten und Migrantinnen als Integrationsmotor? “ soll hierbei als eine Aufforderung zu einer kritischen Diskussion und Generierung weiterführender Fragestellungen verstanden werden. In einem einführenden Beitrag beschreibt Gudrun Biffl die Charakteristika und Rahmenbedingungen von ‚migrant entrepreneurship‘ und unterstreicht hierbei die Komplexität dieses aktuell intensiv diskutierten Themas. Hierbei werden nicht nur der Zusammenhang zwischen migrantischem Unternehmertum und Integration kritisch betrachtet, sondern auch die mögliche Rolle von migrant entrepreneurship als Vernetzungsinstrument für Wirtschaft, Wissen und Innovation im Globalisierungszeitalter angesprochen. Monder Ram ruft in seinem Artikel The Centre for Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship: A Vehicle for Critical Engagement zu einer Erweiterung der kritischen Forschung und der Wissensgenerierung zu migrant entrepreneurship auf, um eine nachhaltige Gestaltung europaweiter Maßnahmen in diesem Bereich zu ermöglichen. Er stellt in diesem Kontext das Centre for Research in Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship (CREME) an der Aston Universität vor und betont die Bedeutung der Verschränkung theoretischen und praktischen Wissens sowie Erfahrungen im Sinne eines Ansatzes des ‘critical engagement’. Alexander Spiegelfeld und Ave Lauren behandeln anhand der Länderbeispiele Österreich und Estland Migrationswege für Drittstaatsangehörige, die eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis in Österreich und Estland beantragen wollen, um ein Start-up zu gründen. Der Artikel beschreibt die Strategien beider Länder zur Gewinnung und Bindung Drittstaatsangehöriger, die innovative Unternehmungen planen, sowie bewährte Verfahren und Herausforderungen im Zusammenhang mit diesen Maßnahmen.

Auch Rückkehrmigration, ob nun auf freiwilliger und unfreiwilliger Basis, wird im öffentlichen Diskurs häufig in einem engen Zusammenhang mit einem wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Mehrwert – in diesem Fall für die RückkehrerInnen und dem jeweiligen Herkunftsland – gebracht. Mögliche Vorteile sind hierbei, dass MigrantInnen, falls sie Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt hatten und eine entsprechende Arbeitsstelle besetzen konnten, Ersparnisse erwirtschaften konnten und diese wieder in ihrem Herkunftsland investieren, z.B. in Form einer Unternehmensgründung. Sie können im Ausland erworbene Fähigkeiten, neue Ideen und Zugänge wirtschaftlich und politisch in ihrem Herkunftsland einbringen und somit zu der Entwicklung des Landes beitragen. Investitionen dieser Art von RückkehrerInnen zeigen sich von einer Vielzahl weiterer Faktoren abhängig, wie bürokratische Hürden, dass angeeignete Fähigkeiten tatsächlich den Bedarf des Arbeitsmarkts im Herkunftsland entsprechen, oder auch eine Offenheit gegenüber neuer Ideen und Ansätzen besteht. Nicht zuletzt waren nicht alle RückkehrerInnen - im Sinne einer Erweiterung von Finanzen und Fähigkeiten - im Ausland ‚erfolgreich‘. Im Falle von nicht anerkannten Geflüchteten kann dies auf Basis eines in vielen Ländern fehlenden Arbeitsmarktzuganges nahezu ausgeschlossen werden. Die verfügbaren Daten zur Rückkehrmigration zeigen allerdings Forschungsbedarf auf, dies wird auch im letzten Abschnitt dieses Tagungsbandes anhand einiger Forschungsvorhaben adressiert.

Amparo González-Ferrer, Inmaculada Serrano und Adrien Vandenbunder schaffen in ihrem Artikel eine Übersicht zu der umfassenden konzeptionellen Diskussion über Rückkehr und zirkuläre Migration sowie ihre forschungsbezogenen und politischen Implikationen. Nach der Vorstellung der bestehenden Definitionen und der Diskussion ihrer Vor- und Nachteile für statistische Messungen und politische Bewertungen, wird die in den TEMPER-Umfragen 2017/18 unter zurückgekehrten MigrantInnen und Nicht-MigrantInnen in Argentinien, Rumänien, Senegal und der Ukraine angenommene Definition erläutert und auf vorläufige Ergebnisse aus den Umfragen eingegangen.

Im Anschluss befassen sich Özge Bilgili und Sonja Fransen unter dem Titel Return, Reintegration and the Role of State vertiefend mit der Rolle des Aufnahmestaats bei der Reintegration von rückkehrenden MigrantInnen. Auf der Basis von weltweiten Beispielen von Rückkehr- und Reintegrationsprozessen betonen die Autorinnen die Bedeutung eines guten Verständnisses für die Heterogenität unter RückkehrerInnen und ihren Erfahrungen unter Berücksichtigung von Dimensionen wie sozialem Zusammenhalt und sozioökonomische Ungleichheit.

Marieke van Houte als auch Andrea Götzelmann-Rosado gehen in ihren Beiträgen auf das konkrete Beispiel Afghanistan ein. Marieke van Houte nimmt eine kritische Perspektive auf die Erfolge von Rückführungsprogramme ein und bezieht sich hierbei auf die Ergebnisse und Analyse ihrer Feldforschung von 2012 unter 35 afghanischen RückkehrerInnen und deren gelebten Erfahrungen. Die Autorin stellt den Begriff der nachhaltigen Reintegration in Frage. Andrea Götzelmann-Rosado befasst sich mit Projekt RE-START II, das von der Internationalen Organisation für Migration (IOM) durchgeführt wird und Unterstützung bei der freiwilligen Rückkehr und Reintegration von aus Österreich zurückkehrenden AfghanInnen bietet. Sie analysiert die demographischen Daten und Rückmeldungen der im Projekt Involvierten und beleuchtet deren Rückkehrmotive sowie Realitäten.

Auch das Idealbild einer postmigrantischen Integration (und weiterführend einer postmigrantischen Gesellschaft), die sich laut Naika Foroutan (2015) durch die Möglichkeiten von Anerkennung, Chancengleichheit und Teilhabe in einer vielfältigen Gesellschaft definiert, steht in einem harten Gegensatz zu den politischen und gesellschaftlichen Trends verstärkter Regulierungen, Grenzziehungen und Abgrenzungen. Die postmigrantische Gesellschaft und die Erweiterung des Verständnisses von Integration im Sinne einer postmigrantischen Integration werden von Rainer Bauböck und Ernst Fürlinger aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven angesprochen.

Rainer Bauböck illustriert in seinem Beitrag die Vielfalt und Komplexität des Zugangs zu Staatsbürgerschaft und dem Wahlrecht in Österreich im internationalen Vergleich. Seine Ausführungen zeigen auf, wie rechtliche und nationalstaatliche Konstrukte in einem Widerspruch zu dem Anspruch einer postmigrantischen Integration darstellen, wie sie Foroutan (2015) definiert. Auch Ernst Fürlinger geht in seinem Artikel auf globale politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen seit den 1990er Jahren ein, die Bestrebungen nach einer postmigrantischen Gesellschaft erschweren, wenn nicht unmöglich machen. Er bezieht sich hierbei unter anderem auf den B egriff und Verständnis der ‚Hyperglobalisierung ‘ von Dani Rodrik (2011) und kritische Überlegungen von Andreas Reckwitz (2019), wie eine faire und sozial sowie ökologisch verträgliche Form der wirtschaftlichen Globalisierung erreicht werden kann.

Der letzte Abschnitt dieses Tagungsbandes bietet einen Einblick in offene Forschungsfragen und damit verbundene Forschungsvorhaben mit einem Fokus auf die Rückkehrmigration. Friedrich Altenburg zieht das Beispiel von Bosnien und Herzegowina heran. Er hinterfragt, auf welche Weise die Rückkehr nach konfliktbedingter Flucht zu einer integrativen Gesellschaft und zur Wiederherstellung von Frieden und Stabilität beitragen kann. Der Autor zeigt hierbei die Gegensätze der theoretischen Zielsetzungen des Friedensabkommens von Dayton als richtungsweisendes politisches Dokument mit starken Bezug zu der Bedeutung von Rückkehrmigration, und den tatsächlichen Rückkehrprozessen auf, die von ethnischen Spannungen, sozialer Ungleichheit und damit einhergehenden Konflikten charakterisiert waren. Auch Hakan Kilic und Gudrun Biffl sprechen in ihrem Beitrag freiwillige Rückkehrmigration und die Rolle der Politik und Strategien der Türkei an, um hochqualifizierte MigrantInnen und deren Nachkommen zur Rückwanderung zu motivieren. Zu den Zielsetzungen zählen die Diversifikation der Arbeitskräfte und wirtschaftliches Wachstumspotenzial zu verbessern.

Im Gegensatz zur freiwilligen Rückkehrmigration steht die Vertreibung von mehr als einer halben Million afghanischer Flüchtlinge im Jahr 2016 aus Pakistan, die dadurch zu einer Rückkehr nach Afghanistan gezwungen waren und sich in hohem Ausmaß in und im Umfeld von Kabul niederließen. Ali Ahmad Safi geht in seinem Beitrag auf die Lebenssituation und Erfahrungen der RückkehrerInnen, mit den Herausforderungen der (Re-)Integration und Reintegrationsprogrammen, soziale Ausgrenzung und Arbeitslosigkeit in zwei informellen Siedlungen in Ostafghanistan ein.

Margarita Fourer adressiert in ihrer Forschung die Bedeutung der lokalen Aufnahmebevölkerung und der Rahmenbedingungen, die auf einer Makroebene beeinflusst werden können. Sie behandelt exemplarisch die vom Europäischen Rat vorgeschlagenen Ausschiffungsregelungen, die sich an dem australischen Modell orientieren. Auf Basis einer Analyse des australischen Modells geht sie vertiefend auf mögliche Konsequenzen einer realen oder vermeintlichen Benachteiligung der Aufnahmegesellschaft ein und weist auf die Bedeutung entsprechender Unterstützungsleistungen hin, die Information, Partizipation, Kapazitätenaufbau und Integrationsprozesse gewährleisten.

Im finalen Abschnitt wird ein Einblick in die Praxis und ‚Good Practice‘ Projekten am Beispiel der Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten gegeben. Der Beitrag von Christiane Schnetzer fokussiert auf die Herausforderungen und Rahmenbedingungen von Expats, um unter kulturell und sozio-strukturell unterschiedlichen Voraussetzungen erfolgreich sein zu können. Im Sinne einer Lösungsorientierung stellt sie den „Erweiterten Selbstmanagement-Fragenkatalog“ (Schnetzer, 2015) vor, der einer Einschätzung und Reflexion der Selbstmanagementfähigkeiten diesen soll.

In dieser Hinsicht hat sich das DialogForum des Jahres 2019 nicht nur dem Aufzeigen bestehender Komplexitäten und Widersprüchen gewidmet, sondern auch einen Raum für die Formulierung offener Fragen in Theorie und Praxis, sowie von Forschungs- und Handlungsbedarf zur Verfügung gestellt. Dieser Raum versteht sich hierbei als ortsunabhängig, und soll in den Begegnungen und der Vernetzung der TeilnehmerInnen eine nachhaltige und dynamische Fortsetzung finden.

Auch 2020 soll dieses inhaltlich weitgefächerte Programm, das nur durch die finanzielle Förderung durch den Asyl-, Migrations- und Integrationsfonds, das BMEIA und das BMBWF möglich wurde, weitergeführt werden. Wir laden Sie herzlich ein, auch im kommenden Jahr Ihr Wissen und Ihre Erfahrungen einzubringen und Teil des Dialogs zu sein.

Literatur

Maria Amelie und Nicolai Strøm-Olsen (2019): Startups Migrants. Frekk Forlag.

Julia Bock-Schappelwein und Peter Huber (2016): Zur Arbeitsmarktintegration von Asylsuchenden in Österreich. In: WIFO-Monatsberichte, 2016, 89(3), S. 157-169.

Tito Boeri (2012): Introduction. In: Tito Boeri, Herbert Brücker, Frédéric Docquier, und Hillel Rapoport (Hg.): Brain Drain and Brain Gain. The Global Competition to Attract High-Skilled Migrants. S. 1 – 14. Oxford University Press.

Mathias Czaika (2017): „Global Competition for Talent“: Eine migrationspolitische Herausforderung. In: Friedrich Altenburg, Anna Faustmann, Thomas Pfeffer, Isabella Skrivanek (Hg.): Migration und Globalisierung in Zeiten des Umbruchs. S. 83-99. Edition Donau-Universität Krems.

Naika Foroutan (2015): Konviviale Integration in postmigrantischen Gesellschaften In: Adloff, F. / Volker M. H. (Hrsg.): Konvivialismus. Eine Debatte. S. 205 - 216. Transcript.

Andreas Reckwitz (2019): Das Ende der Illusionen. Politik, Ökonomie und Kultur in der Spätmoderne. Edition Suhrkamp.

Dani Rodrik (2011): The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy. W.W. Norton.

Schnetzer, Christiane (2015): Einfluss und Entwicklung des Selbstmanagements im Rahmen beruflicher Auslandseinsätze. Master Thesis, Donau-Universität Krems.

Jackline Wahba (2015): Who benefits from return migration to developing countries? https://wol.iza.org/uploads/articles/123/pdfs/who-benefits-from-return-migration-to-developing-countries.pdf?v=1. Doi: 10.1518 5/ i z aw o l.12 3. Accessed 28th November 2019.

MOBILITÄT VON HOCHQUALIFIZIERTEN:
POLITIKEN, REKRUTIERUNG,
INTEGRATION AM ARBEITSPLATZ

High-skilled Migration Policies

Mathias Czaika

Abstract

Immigration policies are increasingly designed to attract and select high-skilled workers from abroad. This chapter provides an overview of skill-selective and attracting migration policies and policy instruments and a brief assessment of their effectiveness. While points-based and other supply-side systems often increase both the absolute numbers of high-skill migrants and the skill composition of international labour flows, demand-driven systems are generally rather deterring for international talent. The broader immigration policy package that combines explicit skill-attracting migration policies with other migration-relevant public policies determines the overall attractiveness of a destination for international talent seem more relevant and effective in supporting employers in recruiting highly skilled labour.

Introduction1

European immigration is increasingly characterised by ambivalence between relatively liberal, albeit selective, immigration regulations vis-à-vis skilled foreign workers and rather restrictive measures with regard to low-skilled migration from non-European third countries. The immigration of low-skilled migrants and workers, especially if they come from poorer, ethnically and culturally more distanced non-European countries, is increasingly perceived as a problem that requires massive restrictions of various kinds, whereas qualified people and migrants find largely positive resonance and support in most political and public circles. In the context of general concerns about national identity and socio-cultural change as a result of increasing ethnic-religious diversity, the importance of skilled immigration for ensuring economic sustainability is currently rather subordinate. This is fatal as the intensity of a global competition for the best “hands and minds” continues to accelerate. It is not only European economies that have developed a growing need and demand for skilled labour, but also other highly developed economies, and increasingly also middle-income and low-income developing countries are establishing policies and strategies to either retain their talent, or attract new talent from abroad.

It is politically acknowledged that countries, rapidly transforming to “knowledge-based” economies, are under increasing pressure to develop strategies that are suitable for attracting, selecting and retaining highly qualified workers (Doomernik et al., 2009, OECD, 2008). Numerous empirical studies have illustrated that the immigration of skilled workers can make a significant contribution to economic growth, public finances, and the overall competitiveness and innovation of the host economy. As a result, the global competition for skilled workers continues to intensify and a steadily increasing number of states, companies and other actors are competing for the “best and brightest” (Boeri et al., 2012, Kapur and McHale, 2005).

Highly qualified employees and well-trained people play a key role in almost all private and public sectors because of their knowledge, experience and expertise. They are often referred to as “knowledge workers ” (DTI, 2002) whose day-to-day work is characterised by creative thinking, research and development (Davenport, 2005). However, a uniform definition of a highly qualified migrant has not yet been established, which is why often the level of education (tertiary), the level of income (varied, e.g. top quintile of wage earners) or the type of occupation (top three categories of the ISCO classification system2) are used to define a high-skilled migrant (Parsons et al. 2018). In any case, qualified workers are seen as a valuable contribution to any economy. Particularly in the knowledge- and innovation-driven knowledge economies of the 21st century, “brain workers” are seen as an essential component or even a prerequisite for securing long-term economic growth and prosperity.

The global market for highly qualified work

Over the last half century, a widespread increase in the global supply of qualified labour is attributable to growing interest in (higher) education and to massive private and public investment in primary, secondary and tertiary education capacities. Education nourishes the aspiration for more and better education and thus creates a continuously growing number of people who strive for more, better and more differentiated education and qualifications. A rising “return on human capital investment” in the form of increased productivity and corresponding remunerations is an important driving force behind this development (Czaika 2018a).

Education nourishes also the desire for a “good life” and provides for the knowledge of how and, in particular, where this quality of (professional) life can be achieved. An increasingly mobile and skilled workforce is an expression of an aspirations-driven process. Rising educational levels however also require of qualified and highly specialised workers to be (internationally) mobile. Therefore, the general increase in human capital stocks and the associated expansion of professional demands on the “good life” in combination with a geographical concentration of high-quality employment opportunities ̶ especial in some economic metropoles of various OECD and non-OECD countries ̶ promote the international mobility of (highly) qualified people. At a global scale, highly trained, mostly tertiary educated people have a migration propensity that is significantly higher than of less formally educated people, and a so-called “mobility gap” between tertiary and secondary educated people seems to be widening (Czaika 2018a). This mobility gap is an expression and consequence of differences in aspirations and opportunities between highly qualified and educated people and those who have enjoyed less formal education.

On the demand side of this global market for (highly) skilled labour, we observe companies and employers expressing a growing need for specialized knowledge, skills, and expertise. Most developed and emerging economies are experiencing a supply gap in certain sectors and occupations that cannot be adequately met by the domestic supply of highly skilled labour. Such structural bottlenecks in certain skill segments or occupations may even increase in the future due to a further differentiation of qualification requirements, which is why qualification- and skill-specific immigration is often regarded as a means of overcoming these occupational bottlenecks.

Internationally, the demand for skilled labour has been rising steadily for decades, so that in many OECD countries highly qualified, tertiary educated workers will represent the majority of immigrants in the near future (Czaika 2018a). The ongoing transformation of economic and labour market structures and the transition to knowledge-based economies strengthens the demand of companies for highly specialized and diversified qualification structure of labour supply that cannot be domestically reproduced to the necessary extent, at least not in the short term.

This trend will further intensify the international competition for the scarce resource of human capital. Demographic, economic and technological transitions in combination with internationally operating agencies and companies as well as the harmonisation of education systems have created the preconditions for the emergence of an international or even global labour market for highly qualified workers. This dynamically globalizing labour market is characterized by a reciprocal selection process between the “scarce” supply of qualified skilled workers and the demand of recruiting states and companies with a need for skilled workers with specialized knowledge and skills (Chiswick, 2011). As a consequence of this mutual selection process, highly qualified workers can increasingly choose between several job offers in their employment decisions: If the attractiveness of a particular job, company or city, region or country is perceived as insufficient, many skilled workers can opt for more attractive alternative offers. This flexibility of internationally mobile, highly-qualified workers and the rapidly changing skill needs of competing countries and enterprises challenge them to continuously adapt their recruitment strategies and offers to the needs in order to increase their ability to attract and retain highly-qualified workers.

This trend reflects a globalisation of occupational skill shortages, which does not only concern the highly-skilled, but also medium- and even some low-skilled occupations that are increasingly in high demand, usually in relation to specific occupations, sectors, regions or time periods. While an increasing number of countries face similar labour market challenges and are therefore engaging in a competition for talent, national recruitment strategies and regulations for admitting and (re-)integrating skilled workers from abroad often differ significantly according to the respective occupations, national needs, and strategic priorities of national migration policies.

Attracting, selecting, admitting and integrating skilled foreign labour

State-led recruitment of foreign labour involves various challenges. A fundamental challenge in matching demand and supply of skilled foreign labour in response to perceived labour shortages, for instance, is the accurate identification and anticipation of national – or in some occupations rather regional – shortages. Forecasting short-, medium- and long-term skill and occupational shortages requires prediction of economic cycles and structural changes as well as business, wage, or technological developments and innovations.

Another challenge is the development of a recruitment mechanism that is effective in attracting and selecting the right “types” of foreign workers and the adaption of tools to monitor and respond to altering immigration flows and shortages in a timely manner. Furthermore, most countries find it challenging to attract immigrants to the regions where they were most needed and to ensure that credentials of the immigrants are accepted on the domestic country labour market.

Therefore, over the past two decades, the OECD and, to a lesser extent, non-OECD governments have taken measures to redesign their migration policy regimes in order to attract and select (highly-)skilled migrants to alleviate the often shortterm, cyclical, shortage of skilled labour and to fill structural supply gaps in certain sectors, such as health, ICT or the so-called STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) subjects.

In principle, a general distinction can be made between demand-side and supply-side policy approaches (cf. Figure 1). The former, for instance, requires a job offer before obtaining a work and residence permit, whereas this is not fundamentally necessary in the case of a supply-side recruitment and selection policy. Rather, access to the labour market is granted through an examination of individual qualifications and other personal characteristics, which are often determined by multiplecriteria points-based systems (e.g.in Canada, Australia and New Zealand). However, many countries also use mixed or hybrid forms, which include short-, medium-and long-term strategies with varying degrees of priority and intensity in order to acquire international know-how, knowledge and human capital (cf. Abella, 2006, Czaika and Parsons 2017).

Figure 1 Dominant policy approaches for attracting and selecting highly qualified migrants Source: ICMPD (2019)

Demand-side policy strategies

A demand-side labour migration policy responds directly to the current labour market situation and is rather short-termed in nature and is mostly influenced by corresponding economic and employment cycles. Employers' needs are the driving force, as this policy approach is first and foremost about the rapid closure of a mostly very specific gap in labour supply. A basic principle for a demand-driven admission policy of foreign workers is the employability of the migrant worker, which is to be ensured by a sponsoring on part of the employer. A demand-driven recruitment and selection process is usually initiated by the employing companies themselves, and employers usually play an active role in recruiting and promoting foreign skilled workers to qualify for temporary or permanent work and residence permits. This job contingency principle is intended to guarantee the employability and skill-adequate incorporation of foreign employees in the domestic labour market. Obviously, while prioritising employability and ‚matched‘ admission of foreign workers to address short-term labour market shortages, the requirement of a job offer, and sometimes, of a labour market audit can also deter (highly) skilled immigrants. This is particularly the case if, despite the qualifications of the potential immigrant, there are no direct labour market bottlenecks (no shortage occupations) in the specific sector (Czaika and Parsons, 2017). Most European immigration systems (including the EU Blue Card and also the Austrian Red-White-Red Card) as well as the temporary US work visas (H1B) are based on the principle of job offers.

The granting of a work permit by the employer often requires a regional, national or even Europe-wide labour market examination to ensure that no “equivalent” domestic workers are available. However, the bureaucratic burden of appropriate labour market tests can be considerable. Many countries therefore operate with so-called sector-specific or occupation-specific shortage lists, which normally replace an individual-specific labour market review for each applicants. Shortage lists accelerate recruitment processes, especially when entire occupational sectors are affected by a high demand for labour. However, the sometimes dubious stringency of the underlying analysis for determining a shortage of skilled labour and the corresponding labour demand is frequently criticised (cf. Sumption 2013).

States sometimes also recruit qualified workers on the basis of bilateral or multilateral agreements and provide mostly temporary, but often also permanent labour and residence rights for this purpose. Other policy strategies often aim to attract international investors and companies. This rather indirect recruitment strategy enables qualified workers to obtain work and residence permits on the basis of an internal posting of qualified personnel (expatriation, intra-company transfers).

Supply-side policy strategies

A small but growing number of countries are pursuing a rather long-term human capital approach, which seeks to accumulate human capital independently of immediate cyclical demand for skilled labour in order to strengthen long-term capacities for knowledge production and innovation. Highly mobile and sought-after knowledge workers, once attracted for immigration, often gain direct or at least rapid access to unlimited residence rights and citizenship without necessarily having a job offer in the pocket. In these rather supply-driven and long-term migration policy strategies, human capital is assessed on an individual basis, usually as part of a points-based system in which foreign applicants accumulate credits on the basis of their qualifications, age, work experience, language skills and earning potential. Job offers are generally not necessary, although applicants who have a job before entering the country often receive additional points for it. Canada (since 1967) and Australia (since 1989) are pioneers of these points-based systems, which are generally regarded as relatively effective in attracting (highly) qualified migrants (Facchini and Lodigiani, 2014, Czaika and Parsons, 2017). More recently, however, these systems have also shown that in some cases they select applicants who do not address directly existing labour market shortages and who cannot be placed on the labour market for a longer period of time despite high qualifications (Aydemir, 2013). Most countries that have implemented points-based systems are therefore increasingly aiming to combine supply- and demand-side elements in so-called hybrid labour recruitment systems in order to ensure that the objectives of human capital accumulation and employability are both met.

Such more long-term human capital strategies often include measures aimed at foreign students and graduates of post-graduate education as ‘semi-finished’ human capital (Khadria, 2001) and an investment in a country’s future. This policy approach aims at the permanent recruitment and integration of these partially or completely domestically trained workers, who are not only professionally educated but also socio-culturally educated and thus considered to be socially and economically

Legal measures

Tool

Advantages

Disadvantages and Risks

Labour Market Tests

• Ensure that jobs are offered locally;

• Demonstrate lack of local supply;

• Ensure that employers effectively attempt to recruit locally before looking abroad;

• Employers understand job search techniques.

• Further lengthens the process of deciding whether to allow the use of a migrant worker;

• May be applied unevenly by different officials and regions (quality assurance and fairness of assessments);

• Conflicting views between a PES and employers on availability, suitability or willingness of candidates on the unemployment register to fill vacancies;

• Easy to distort (job description);

• Often no standardised testing within country, PES may not actually be real location for matching;

• Beyond nominal listings, difficult to enforce;

• Requires administrative machinery to be effective, which imposes delays and costs.

Occupational shortage lists

• Tighter and more consistent than individual decentralised labour market tests carried out across various offices;

• Easy to explain to the public;

• Signal that labour migration is focused on specific occupations;

• Mirror for demand;

• Can be combined with other tools such as labour market test;

• Complicated to develop (methodological constraints);

• Difficult to assess experience component;

• Subject to interest group lobbying;

• Frequency of revision affects responsiveness to demand;

• Not appropriate for all occupations.

Quotas

• Clear reference framework;

• Legal framework: Measures to balance interests (labour demand/public concerns);

• Human resource development: Quotas for highly skilled workers may be part of the human resource development strategy

• Bureaucracy/lack of flexibility: Labour market needs are difficult to identify and hardly predictable over a medium time period;

• Difficult matching: difficult to match skilled migrant workers with jobs in quota-specified sectors and employers;

• Distinguishing level of skills: Quotas can define a corresponding type of skills but cannot ensure a certain level of skills;

• Labour market competition: definition of skill-based quotas may result in undesired competition between migrant workers and native workers in certain labour market segments;

• Adjustment of labour markets: Labour migration quotas may slow down the adjustment of labour markets (e.g., regarding wages and conditions) to suitable domestic workers.

Salary thresholds

• When based on binding job offers, salary thresholds guarantee jobs upon arrival;

• Most salary threshold models require employer commitment in form of concrete job offers. As one of the results, workers have jobs upon arrival;

• Reduce administrative burdens, in particular when they are used as alternatives (and not as complements) to other eligibility criteria.

• Thresholds may be too high (deterrent);

• Thresholds may be too low to be attractive;

• Thresholds may serve as barriers for medium skills in shortage occupations;

• Thresholds may serve as barriers for young migrants.

Job Search Visa / Residence Permit

• Retaining a supply side option with limited time duration helps overcome the barriers of matching from abroad;

• Chance to become proficient in the local language and environment.

• Selection criteria difficult to identify and need to be revised based on practice;

• Matching and skills verification can be difficult;

• Few may qualify; need to manage return of unsuccessful migrant job seekers.

Points-Based Systems

• Transparency, flexibility and adjustability to changing economic needs and evidence on integration outcomes of immigrants;

• Control over the immigration mix, i.e. immigrants with differing structural characteristics;

• PBSs often widely accepted by the public.

• Relatively high administrative costs (creating and adjusting, examining applicant qualifications);

• Methodological problems in identifying labour shortages by occupation and industry;

• Time lag between receiving and processing labour-market data until when the immigration actually takes place;

• Slow in reacting to unforeseen circumstances.

Employer Pre-Approval

• Incentive for companies to hire from abroad;

• Ease of procedures for employers;

• Standard of labour market regulations maintained;

• For high-volume employers, less administrative burden for authorities.

• Relevant only for medium-sized to large companies.

• Need to regularly inspect continued adherence to labour market regulations and enforcement of migrant workers’ rights (risk of exploitation)

‘Road to Permanency’ rights

• Provides a “trial period” for integration;

• Clear trajectory for migrants may serve as part of attractive package;

• Allows both the migrant and the host country a test period to "try before buy“.

• State of limbo can delay family reunification;

• Potentially less attractive in global competition for talent, since some countries offer immediate permanency rights;

• Increases administrative complexity (managing status changes).

Employer Portability Rights

• Strengthening migrant workers’ rights;

• Migrants less vulnerable to unsatisfactory working conditions or exploitation;

• Migrants may feel that they can make the most of their (temporary) visa;

• May increase the efficiency of the labour market, as migrants would move on to better paying jobs once their lack of information has caught up.

• Employers have less incentive to invest time in sponsorship process;

• Minimum contract duration requirements can reduce this issue.

Support for employers

Tool

Advantages

Disadvantages and Risks

Job Fairs

• Bridge the gap between potential migrants and employers with face to face meetings;

• Government implementation: especially beneficial to small and medium size companies (SMEs) – lack of resources.

• Cost compared to limited impact may be too high – if there is no specific target group;

• Relies on participation of employers and potential immigrants alike – risk factors if not well-designed.

Online Matching Tools

• Higher outreach compared to face-to-face job fairs;

• Concrete impact;

• Can bring information and various tools together in one place;

• Support to companies with limited resources.

• Relies on usage of employers and potential immigrants alike – risk factors if not well-designed;

• Involvement of employers and industry associations in the development;

• Needs to be regularly maintained and advertised.

Cross-cutting

Tool

Advantages

Disadvantages and Risks

Information Activities

• Crucial for any activity;

• Bring information and various tools together in one place;

• Support for companies with limited resources – learn about possibilities;

• Immigrants learn about opportunities;

• Concrete impact.

• Cost, depending on scale and duration;

• Relies on participation of employers and potential immigrants alike – risk factors if not well-designed;

• Involvement of employers and industry associations in the development;

• Needs to be regularly maintained and advertised (“dead” websites/channels can be damaging);

• Possible negative perception as “promotion of immigration” (if there is no wide-spread consensus)

Attracting and retaining international students

• Smooth transition from education to work: graduates are familiar with institutions, workplace culture and language of the host country;

• Students are of prime workforce age, smaller risk of skills discounting than migrants qualified abroad;

• Early career recruitment is strategy with highest pay-off in terms of socio-economic integration outcomes;

• Contribution to knowledge creation, innovation and economic performance in the host country.

• Insufficient language skills (ineffective integration support);

• Lack of host country work experience (insufficient support from HEI, Public Services);

• Employers hesitant to employ foreigners (deficient awareness raising/information activities);

• Lack of professional networks;

• Lack of job entry support and service accessibility (insufficient support from HEI, Public Services);

• Legal barriers, incoherent policies;

• Labour market substitution.

Bilateral agreements

• Reduce costs, ensure quality and quantity for specific sector or occupation, incorporate development objectives, reduce overstay;

• Help achieve a flow of labour that meets the needs of employers and industrial sectors;

• Achieve foreign policy, cultural and social objectives;

• Increase youth mobility;

• Ensure access to overseas labour markets workers.

• Unfair to privilege specific countries, employer preference may be for other nationalities not covered, or specific groups;

• May be signed without regard to real labour market demands;

• For circular programme, first movers are prime beneficiaries;

• High administrative oversight costs.

Figure 2 Migration Policy toolbox

Source: ICMPD (2019)

well “integrable”. Most Western countries therefore offer job search visas, which should enable university graduates to find adequate employment within a certain period of time. Within this period (usually between 6 and 24 months), foreign graduates should be given the opportunity to meet the criteria for regular highly qualified employment.

In principle, what exact migration policy strategy a country pursues and by what design of the immigration regime is mostly determined by historical-institutional tradition and influenced by the economic goals and the weight of often competing political actors and interest groups. Migration policy is increasingly negotiated and shaped in complex political-economic contexts in which the interests and preferences of politicians and voters, employers, trade unions and other politically active groups compete with each other. This competition results in country-specific rules, regulations and measures that are increasingly characterized by a high degree of complexity (Czaika and de Haas 2013).

International emulation of the most effective policies for attracting and selecting (highly) skilled workers has only just begun. Migration policy competition, which is likely to intensify in the future, has produced a toolbox of multiple innovative policy instruments and measures in recent years that can be understood as part of a broader “immigration package ” (Papademetriou et al., 2008) (Figure 2). It has been shown to be unlikely that a single migration policy measure per se will make a country more or less attractive to (highly) skilled migrants. Rather, the concept of the immigration package illustrates the importance of the entire range of migration and integration policy instruments in combination with the provision of other public goods and services (Papademetriou et al., 2008, Papademetriou and Sumption, 2013, Tuccio 2019).

Evolution and effectiveness of labour migration policies

A study by Czaika and Parsons (2017) on migration policy developments in 19 OECD countries3 between 2000 and 2012 illustrates the relative spread of the abovementioned policy strategies and instruments. For example, three-quarters of these 19 highly developed countries use ‘job contingency’ systems, while about half use additional demand-oriented policy instruments such as shortage lists and labour market tests. Ten countries also use numerical ceilings (quotas). Point-based systems are used in six countries. The most rapidly spreading policy instrument is the visa for post-graduate job search. In 2000, none of the 19 countries surveyed had used such an instrument, while ten years later almost half of the countries surveyed had introduced corresponding measures designed to give foreign graduates the opportunity to stay.

In addition to the selection instruments mentioned above, immigration packages usually contain additional elements that are intended to increase the attractiveness of the recruiting countries. For example, the prospect of a permanent right of residence, which is necessary for long-term (career) planning, is an important incentive for potential foreign workers to immigrate. (Highly) qualified migrants are therefore offered a permanent residence permit immediately or after a certain period of time. This right is normally also granted to family members of qualified migrant workers, even if individual countries only allow this after a certain period of time (e.g. Korea or Romania). For most (highly) qualified migrants, the immediate right to family reunification is an indispensable prerequisite for immigration, the absence of which has an immensely negative impact on the attractiveness of a location. More than 80 percent of the 19 OECD countries surveyed therefore, offer immediate family reunification rights. Similarly, the provision of work permits for family members is seen as an important factor in the successful recruitment of (highly) skilled migrants. Such attractiveness provisions for family members of (highly) skilled migrants have gained considerable popularity in recent years. Furthermore, more and more countries are using financial incentives, such as tax exemptions and financial allowances, to attract or retain internationally (highly) qualified workers. Over the past decade, the number of countries that have implemented such financial incentive systems has increased significantly (Czaika and Parsons 2017).

Interestingly, the global financial and economic crisis starting in 2007/08, and which has not yet been overcome in many countries, has had only an insignificant impact on demand for (highly) skilled labour and international migration flows, despite its generally negative impact on the overall state of labour markets. Migration flows of (highly) skilled labour, as well as migration policy strategies, appear to be relatively independent of such economic fluctuations. At the very least, this resilience of corresponding policy measures can be seen in the context of the global economic and financial crisis after 2007 (Czaika and Parsons 2018). Despite some readjustments and minor adjustments, such as labour shortage lists or individual revaluations in points-based immigration systems, there have been no significant policy reversals in most countries. The demand for high-quality labour has tended to increase in a growing number of professions, and both governments and cities and enterprises are becoming more and more active demand-side actors in the globalised human capital market.

As mentioned, another trend has been the increased targeting of foreign students and graduates by demand-side actors. Investment in so-called ‘semi-finished’ human capital is often seen as an effective policy option for the long-term accumulation of human capital. The recruitment of ‘high potentials’ at an early stage in their careers is seen as an efficient strategy, since this group has relatively low integration and absorption costs, especially if they have been trained domestically, and therefore normally achieve the best results of all immigrants on the labour market (OECD

2008) . As a result, many countries have recognised that generous provision of visas for study and employment is a useful and sustainable policy strategy, even in times of economic crisis.

Many countries have also signed bilateral and multilateral agreements to regulate social security, double taxation and the recognition of foreign qualifications and diplomas. These agreements are intended to facilitate the transition and integration of (highly) qualified migrants into the labour market. Agreements regulating the recognition of foreign qualifications have attracted the greatest political attention in the past ten years. As a rule, these agreements are aimed at specific occupations and/or subject areas and, often initiated by professional associations, regulate the quality and comparability of teaching content and courses of study in order to ensure equivalence with domestic courses of study. Empirical studies show that such agreements can effectively promote the mobility of both skilled and unskilled workers (Czaika and Parsons, 2017). Furthermore, international tax treaties aim to avoid double taxation of income from wages and capital, among other things. Although it is generally assumed that such agreements promote mobility, empirical findings suggest that they have a very limited effect (Czaika and Parsons, 2017). Finally, social security agreements aim to regulate rights with regard to the equal treatment of foreign benefits, such as the transferability of pension benefits, disability benefits, payments to widowed or caring relatives or unemployment benefits. These highly complex legal issues are increasingly being coordinated internationally and tend to have a positive effect on the willingness to migrate.

Czaika and Parsons (2017) are investigating the effectiveness of various migration policy instruments on the migration flows of highly qualified immigrants in 10 (of the previously mentioned 19) OECD countries. We find that points-based systems are generally more effective in recruiting and selecting highly skilled migrants than demand-side systems, where the immigration process is initiated by employer sponsorship and complemented by a labour market test or skills shortage list. Other, more financial incentive instruments, such as tax relief or allowances, often lead to better effects. Furthermore, offers that grant immediate permanent residence status are very attractive and effective for highly qualified workers.

Overall, however, the question of whether, and under what conditions, certain migration policy instruments achieve their intended effects can only be answered provisionally and requires further large-scale empirical research. Since, in recent years, public and policy debates on the ‘right’ migration policy have focused heavily on the immigration of low-skilled workers and asylum seekers or irregular migrants, much less research and public attention has been devoted to the migration and recruitment of the (highly) skilled. This effectiveness of recruitment and selection instruments, for which a systematic investigation is only just beginning, can be described as quite ambivalent on the basis of the data available so far. The design of effective, i.e. target-oriented policy measures requires a special understanding of the peculiarities of this specific, globally integrating labour market. Solid knowledge of the fundamental and specific drivers and dynamics of international skilled migration is therefore an essential prerequisite for the development of a realistic and effective migration policy aimed at influencing the mobility and migration behaviour of this target group in an intended direction (Czaika and de Haas 2013).

Policies that are based on simple assumptions such as that highly qualified people are primarily looking for higher wages and can therefore be recruited through liberal (‘open door’) policies, for example in combination with tax breaks, are not necessarily successful. The recruiting efforts in the form of a quasi-‘open door’ or ‘red carpet’ immigration regulations for highly qualified persons, which are practised in many countries, have not always produced the desired results, since the effectiveness of these programmes is often assessed as quite inconsistent.

Migration decisions are far from deterministic but rather depend on a complex mix of preferences and ideas about ‘the good life’ and career goals and aspirations that change over time. An effective migration policy that aims to attract the best ‘hands and minds’ is based on a comprehensive knowledge of the often diverse migration motives that depend on the employment sector and life situation. A well-designed migration policy promotes migration options, i.e. it offers people with sought-after skills and qualifications, occupations, age, experience, education, and sometimes also social and cultural backgrounds the necessary opportunities to migrate temporarily, circularly or permanently. Highly qualified and often internationally mobile workers in high demand, perceive immigration regulations and offers as incentive structures and usually opt for the most attractive ‘total immigration package’.

Of course, these immigration packages contain more than just entry and residence regulations (Papadimitriou and Sumption 2013). Empirical evidence suggests that although migration policy measures influence migration processes, the magnitude of these effects is limited compared to other policy measures and structural determinants. Thus, labour market regulations, housing, education, taxation and social security provisions - i.e. measures that are not primarily focused on migration itself - are part of a much broader immigration package. As a result, designing effective and efficient migration and recruitment strategies requires a comprehensive and integrated assessment and coordination of all migration-related policies. This also applies to policies whose main purpose is not the recruitment and selection of highly qualified migrants.

Therefore, from a policy-making perspective, the problem of ineffectiveness of individual policies is often that migration policies are too narrowly defined and designed and do not take into account other economic, social and cultural policy areas. In order to increase the effectiveness of recruitment strategies, coherent ‘whole-of-government’ immigration strategies must be developed that are embedded in the economic, social and political structures and transformations of the country and the general context of international migration processes and dynamics. In a world where more and more countries and enterprises are competing for foreign labour, policy packages aimed at enhancing the overall attractiveness of a location must provide opportunities for migrant workers to find good employment and secure, pleasant living conditions.

Furthermore, it is increasingly recognised that the influx of skilled labour can be self-perpetuating by creating positive externalities in terms of a conducive professional environment. Recruitment of complementary expertise and skills can increase the productivity of all workers (and also of capital employed) and consequently attract further skilled foreign labour (Peri and Sparber, 2009). Highly qualified immigration and its positive externalities can trigger a migration dynamic both within and between individual occupational groups and occupational networks (Beine et al., 2011). Skill-based recruitment and immigration strategies that only react to existing demand gaps can therefore be largely ineffective, at least in the short term, if (i) corresponding complementarities between occupational groups and (ii) long-term career and retention prospects for this internationally highly mobile group of highly qualified individuals are not taken into account. Internationally mobile professionals respond to the existence of a ‘critical mass’ of other professionals that are collectively creating an attractive environment for a ‘creative class’ (Florida 2002).

Thus, migration trajectories and dynamics of highly qualified workers are individually path-dependent and self-reinforcing, which implies that professional and socio-culturally attractive places and environments are self-recreating (Czaika and Toma 2017, Florida 2003, 2006). Metropolitan areas normally function here as nodes of a globally networked human capital systems. Scientific, technical or management expertise is produced and reproduced at these nodes (Khadria 2003). In such a system, urban metropolises are important gravitational centres in which professional and cultural diversity can produce a fertile basis for social, economic and technical innovation. As a result, cities and regional clusters themselves become important attractors of the internationally mobile group of highly qualified people (Ozgen et al. 2014). The role of skill-attracting policies implemented at regional and local (city) levels has not yet been full recognised.

Conclusions

Numerous studies have shown that the immigration of highly skilled workers can make a significant contribution to economic growth, public finances, and the overall competitiveness and innovation of the host economy (Worldbank 2017). Only those societies and economies that create an open, conflict-free environment for migrants, attractive professional conditions and opportunities for employees, and a positive economic climate for employers, will not be left behind in an intensifying global competition for highly qualified work. In this context, countries in different parts of the world are trying to develop measures to recruit urgently needed human capital internationally or to keep their own ‘talents’ in the country. Particularly in the past two decades migration policy activities have intensified and appropriate instruments and best practices have been established for recruiting and selecting highly qualified workers. Even if the general demand for skilled workers continues unabated, the issue of immigration remains a highly controversial one in many parts of the world. However, despite increasingly restrictive policy measures and xenophobic public debates against ‘unwanted’ low-skilled workers, more liberal views and policy approaches regarding urgently needed human capital have become entrenched. Despite some controversies in the public debate, most Western countries, but also numerous non-Western countries, have made increased efforts to recruit international talent and retain it in the domestic labour market.

The overarching objectives of these recruitment efforts are diverse and not always fully compatible. These include, for example, the saturation of very specific and often short-term labour market shortages, the acquisition of highly qualified human capital as a stimulus for national innovation systems, or the cushioning of demographic transition and the associated safeguarding of the sustainability of social systems. It is foreseeable that these reasons for the implementation of skill-attractive migration policy packages will increase in the course of the next decade, as a reversal of this trend seems unlikely due to the increasing structural demand for highly qualified work in Europe and most countries of the world. ‘Crisis-resilient’ labour migration flows and respective migration policy strategies are partly associated with a trend towards ‘hybrid’ immigration systems, which combine both demand and supply-side measures in order to balance the diversity and with regard to the quantitative as well as qualitative composition of the immigrant working population.

References

Abella, M. (2006) Global competition for skilled workers and consequences. In: Kuptsch, C. and Pang, E. F. (eds.) Competing for global talent. Geneva: International Labour Office-International Institute for Labour Studies and Singapore Management University.

Aydemir, A. (2013) Skill-based immigrant selection and labor market outcomes by visa category. In: Constant, A. F. & Zimmermann, K. F. (eds.) International Handbook on the Economics of Migration (Chapter 23): 432-452. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

Beine, M., Docquier, F. & Özden, C. (2011) Diasporas. Journal of Development Economics. 95 (1) , 30–41.

Biffl, G. & Pfeffer, T. (2013) Recognition of qualifications of citizens of another EU Member State. In: FEANI News. The European Engineers Publication, Issue 11, June 2013, pp 19-26

Boeri, T. (2012) Introduction. In: Boeri, T., Brücker, H., Docquier, F. & Rapoport, H. (eds.) Brain Drain and Brain Gain: The Global Competition to Attract High-skilled Migrants. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chiswick, B. R. (2011) High-skilled Immigration in a Global Labor Market. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute Press.

Czaika, M. (2018a) High-Skilled Migration: Introduction and Synopsis, in: Czaika, M. (ed) High-Skilled Migration: Drivers and Policies, Oxford University Press

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Czaika, M. & Parsons, C. (2017) The gravity of high-skilled migration policies. Demography. 54 (2) , 603–630.

Czaika, M. & Parsons, C. (2018) High-skilled migration in times of global economic crisis, in: Czaika, M. (ed) High-Skilled Migration: Drivers and Policies, Oxford University Press

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Kapur, D.

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